As Madeline Albright once said, ‘The United States is good. We try to do our best everywhere’. So - as the first chapter in this book asks - Why Do Terrorists Keep Picking on the United States? Some suggest it is envy or ingratitude. Maybe it is simply pure evil? Surely it can have no connection with the 40 foreign governments the US has attempted to overthrow since 1945? Or the crushing of over 30 freedom movements around the world, killing millions and destroying the hope of millions more? This well documented book, updated in response to the unfolding ‘War Against Terrorism’, tells a more believable story about US imperialism than you will obtain from CNN.

Abolish border controls? Let in large numbers of immigrants? Can this author can be serious? That may be the immediate response to this book’s evidence in favour of getting rid of costly, often inhumane and only partially effective barriers. But the whole apparatus of passports, visas and fenced borders is relatively new in history. It never used to be regarded as necessary. The United States, Canada and the Latin American countries were built on migration, while Europe has over the past fifty years actively encouraged largescale immigration. Jonathan Moses puts the arguments in favour of free mobility, and counters those against. His conclusions are clear and profound: free international migration can lessen the huge inequalities and injustices of globalization.

There is no alternative - to neo-liberal economics, Americanisation and globalisation - remains the driving assumption within the international development policy establishment. Ha-Joon Chang and Ilene Grabel explain the main assertions of this dominant school. They combine data, a devastating economic logic, and an analysis of the historical experiences of leading Western and East Asian economies, to question the validity of the neo-liberal development model. They then set out practical alternatives in the key areas: trade and industrial policy; privatisation; intellectual property rights; external borrowing; investment; financial regulation; exchange rates, monetary policy, government revenue and expenditure. The most useful proposals that have emerged around the world are combined with some innovative measures of their own, in an empowering and accessible book.

Sexual and reproductive wellbeing has gained recognition as a basic right, enshrined in international law. Yet reality on the ground is different, as society, health programmes and aid agencies are all entrenched in old ways. Fundamental shifts in thinking and practice are needed to realize these rights and transform these realities. This book portrays a wide range of innovative examples from around the world. From popular theatre in Nigeria to participatory research in Britain; from role-playing in Cambodia to visualizing reproductive health in Zimbabwe and from collaborative planning in Egypt to community dialogue in the Andes, these twenty-four chapters reveal the value of transforming approaches to sexual and reproductive wellbeing. All begin with the need to engage women, men and youth more directly in determining pathways to change; and all highlight both the complexities and the possibilities of making rights real.

The last decade of the 20th century in India has seen the emergence of another form of political assertion centring on the hitherto private realm of sexuality. We are increasingly witness to people asserting their right to be different as sexual beings, either in terms of sexual orientation or gender identity. The traditional definitions of activist politics is being forced to engage with new political concerns articulated by people who claim gay, lesbian, hijra, transgender, kothi and numerous other identities. What is common to these identities apart from their roots in sexuality is the fact that they question the heteronormative ideal that the only way in which two human beings can relate romantically, sexually and emotionally is within a heterosexual context.

This book examines how far the economic forces and rules that govern the global economy are shrinking the ‘policy space‘ available to developing countries in constructing policies to raise living standards. The contributors analyse what room for manoeuvre developing countries still have, despite global macro-economic realities, IMF/World Bank policies, and the trade rules regime of the World Trade Organization. They suggest the policies that could be put in place to strengthen developing countries. Their proposals illustrate the failure of orthodox economic policy to either deliver growth or reduce poverty, and the weakening of democratic institutions and popular sovereignty under the pressures of globalization.

In this incisive new book, Marwan Bishara, a leading Palestinian commentator, analyses the Palestinian/Israeli situation eight years on from the Oslo Accords of 1993. He lays out the causes of the Second Intifada and argues that peace without justice is impossible. Israel may not yet recognise this fact, but one day it will have to - in the same manner as de Klerk had to a decade ago in South Africa.

Marwan Bishara shows how the patrons of the Oslo 'peace process', in particular the US, ignored the asymmetry of power between the Palestinians and Israelis. The ill-conceived transition process, as a result, degenerated into the fragmented and dependent apartheid statelet that exists today in the West Bank and Gaza.